California chief justice says same-sex marriage ruling was one of his toughest
Ronald M. George, a moderate Republican who voted with the majority, likens the case to civil rights battles.
By Maura Dolan
Los Angeles Times Staff Writer
May 18, 2008
SAN
FRANCISCO — In the days leading up to the California Supreme Court's
historic same-sex marriage ruling Thursday, the decision "weighed most
heavily" on Chief Justice Ronald M. George -- more so, he said, than
any previous case in his nearly 17 years on the court.
The court
was poised 4 to 3 not only to legalize same-sex marriage but also to
extend to sexual orientation the same broad protections against bias
previously saved for race, gender and religion. The decision went
further than any other state high court's and would stun legal
scholars, who have long characterized George and his court as cautious
and middle of the road.
But as he read the legal arguments, the
68-year-old moderate Republican was drawn by memory to a long ago trip
he made with his European immigrant parents through the American South.
There, the signs warning "No Negro" or "No colored" left "quite an
indelible impression on me," he recalled in a wide-ranging interview
Friday.
"I think," he concluded, "there are times when doing the right thing means not playing it safe."
Yet
he described his thinking on the constitutional status of state
marriage laws as more of an evolution than an epiphany, the result of
his reading and long discussions with staff lawyers.
As he
sometimes does with the most incendiary cases, George assigned the
majority opinion to himself. He wrote and rewrote, poring over draft
after draft. Each word change had to be approved by the other three
justices joining him in the majority. Even the likely dissenters had to
be told in "pink slips" of every word change.
On Wednesday, the long-awaited ruling was finally ready.
Court
Clerk Fritz Ohlrich locked up stacks of the fat, stapled court opinions
in his office to protect against leaks, and George's staff asked that
security be beefed up. A fellow justice told George she would be at her
desk in the morning because she wanted "to be part of history."
On
Thursday, George was in his chambers, being interviewed for a
documentary on death penalty administration. He said he wished he had
canceled the interview.
He was on camera when he heard "a big roar" from the crowd outside.
George,
who grew up in Los Angeles, said he counts gays among his friends. Four
years ago, he peered out his chambers' windows across from San
Francisco City Hall to watch gay couples lining up to marry. He saw the
showers of rice, the popping of champagne corks, the euphoria of the
couples.
He later joined four other justices in nullifying the
marriage licenses, which the court deemed to have been granted
illegally by San Francisco. The court refused to take up the
constitutional questions of same-sex marriage then, insisting the cases
work their way up through the courts.
A trial judge ruled in
favor of same-sex marriage. A court of appeal overturned that ruling.
And finally, the case was on George's desk.
'Very fatalistic'
George
said he had voted to void the marriage licenses because he did not
think they should be "in limbo" while the courts tackled the
constitutional issues. Once he took up the constitutional challenge, he
said he did not permit any consideration of political fallout.
"I
am very fatalistic about these things," he said. "If you worry, always
looking over your shoulders, then maybe it's time to hang up your robe."
Court rules bar George from discussing the ruling until it takes effect in 30 days or more.
During
the two-hour interview with The Times, he refused to disclose anything
about the court's internal deliberations and responded to a number of
questions by reading aloud from the decision. His elegant and
comfortable chambers had neat stacks of papers piled on the floor, all
over his desk and on a long conference table.
Asked whether he thought most Californians would accept the marriage ruling, George said flatly: "I really don't know."
He
indicated he saw the fight for same-sex marriage as a civil rights case
akin to the legal battle that ended laws banning interracial marriage.
He noted that the California Supreme Court moved ahead of public
sentiment 60 years ago when it became the first in the country to
strike down the anti-miscegenation laws.
California's decision,
in a case called Perez vs. Sharp, preceded the U.S. Supreme Court's
action on the issue by 19 years. Even after that ruling, Californians
passed an initiative that would permit racial discrimination in
housing. The state high court again responded by overturning the law,
George said.
Rather than ignoring voters, "what you are doing is
applying the Constitution, the ultimate expression of the people's
will," George said.
By the time of the same-sex marriage oral
argument in March, three other justices had tentatively decided to join
George's opinion. They are Justices Joyce L. Kennard, Kathryn Mickle
Werdegar and (sole Democrat) Carlos R. Moreno, the court's more liberal
wing.
George said the oral argument marked the "highest point"
for the court, and he was "so glad" the session was televised. "I was
incredibly proud of how we acquitted ourselves in such a difficult and
well publicized case," he said.
Relations among the justices
remained warm and cordial. George said he was even pleased with the
dissents, which contended that a decision on same-sex marriage should
be made by the people, not the court.
Some judges in other
states that had considered same-sex marriage had written in ways that
were "homophobic" and demeaning to lesbians and gays, statements "that
you don't find" in California's dissenting opinions, George said. They
were signed by Justices Marvin Baxter, Ming Chin and Carol A. Corrigan.
'A real conundrum'
"When
is it that a court should act?" George mused. "When is it that a court
is shirking its responsibility by not acting, and when is a court
overreaching? That's a real conundrum. I have respect for people coming
out on different sides of this issue."
George's reputation for
caution is based on the court's tendency, under him, to decide cases
narrowly, refusing to reach issues not necessary to the case at hand.
Advocates thrust the central constitutional question of equality for
gay people on the court; there was no way to avoid it.
George
also had taken risks before. Shortly after Gov. Pete Wilson elevated
him to chief justice in 1996, George obtained enough votes to change
the court's stance on parental consent for abortion. He wrote the
ruling that overturned the state's parental consent law, sparking a
campaign by anti-abortion groups to oust him.
After a justice's
appointment, voters are asked to retain him or her at the next
gubernatorial election. At the time of the parental consent decision,
some judges were just squeaking by their retention votes.
Eric
George, 39, a Los Angeles lawyer and the chief's eldest son, decided to
mount a full campaign to protect his father's seat. After George was
reconfirmed by a healthy margin, Eric George said he gave his father
some playful advice.
"Could you wait at least 10 years for another controversial decision like this?" he asked.
George
said the only other decision that anguished him as much as same-sex
marriage occurred at the beginning of his career, when as a Los Angeles
County Superior Court judge he insisted that a serial killer known as
the "Hillside Strangler" be prosecuted over the objections of the Los
Angeles district attorney.
The district attorney's office said
there wasn't enough evidence to win a conviction, so George asked the
attorney general's office to prosecute it. The trial, expected to last
a year, took two years. George remembers warning his wife, Barbara,
"This may become known as George's folly." The jury eventually
convicted on nine of 10 murder counts.
Santa Clara University
law professor Gerald Uelmen, who has closely followed George's court
tenure, said "the biggest surprise" of the marriage ruling was that
George favored it. Uelmen said George must have done "some real soul
searching."
The "very carefully written opinion" reflects that
George "is very sensitive to how this will be perceived," Uelmen said.
"He realized that this more than any other thing he does as chief
justice will define his legacy. He'll certainly take a good deal of
political heat over this."
Mathew Staver, founder of Liberty Counsel, said he had long expected George to vote against same-sex marriage.
"His change from where I thought he would be is baffling," said Staver, whose group promotes traditional marriage.
UCLA law professor Brad Sears said, "Definitely what created the majority was George's support."
A
proposed initiative that would amend the Constitution to again ban
same-sex marriage is headed for the November ballot, but even if it
passes, gays in California will enjoy heightened protections from
discrimination as a result of Thursday's ruling. George will appear on
the state ballot for retention in two years.
He went home
Thursday night drained and discovered a card left by friends at his San
Francisco apartment. It was a Japanese watercolor of a branch with red
berries. His friends had written "Congratulations!" inside.
"Why not go out on a limb?" the greeting on the card read.
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